When Tokyo voters cast their ballots on Sunday for governor of the world's largest city, they will be spoilt for choice.
A record 56 candidates are vying for the presidency. A self-proclaimed “Joker” candidate has proposed legalizing marijuana and argued that polygamy could address the country's declining birth rate. There's also a professional wrestler who hides his face on camera and vows to use artificial intelligence in government jobs. There's a 96-year-old inventor who says he'll introduce gasoline-powered cars that don't emit carbon dioxide, and a 31-year-old entrepreneur who took off his shirt during a campaign video and promised “fun.”
It may seem like democracy run wild, but in reality the election campaign is completely status quo, with the incumbent expected to win a third term.
The proliferation of candidates reflects a fatigue with politics as usual, many of them unserious attention seekers, creating a farcical, circus-like atmosphere that further distances real change.
“It makes you wonder whether this is democracy in action or whether it's like saying 'fuck democracy,'” said Emma Dalton, a senior lecturer in Japanese studies at La Trobe University in Melbourne, Australia. Candidates are criticizing incumbent Koike Yuriko “in the most vulgar ways,” Dalton said, “because they know she's going to win.”
The Tokyo election is emblematic of Japanese politics, in which the Liberal Democratic Party has held power at the national level for all but four years since 1955. The party, which backs Koike, has maintained a firm grip on Japan's parliament despite numerous scandals and widespread voter discontent that shows up in opinion polls but rarely at the ballot box.
The 71-year-old Koike has been dogged by questions about her university background and has refused to answer accusations that she has ties to major property developers involved in some of the country's controversial projects. But just as the LDP has held onto power despite low approval ratings, the feeling that there is no need to disrupt times of relative prosperity may be working in her favour.
Despite the widening gap and poverty, “the majority of middle-class people are satisfied with life in Tokyo,” says Jiro Yamaguchi, a political scientist at Hosei University.
Although Koike has not fully realized her campaign promises, such as eliminating the waiting list for daycare, easing congestion on commuter trains, and abolishing overtime hours for city employees, she has used budget surpluses to provide subsidies to families with children and make tuition free at private high schools in the city.
Koike did not respond to requests for an interview. Mitsui Fudosan, the developer working on the construction project, said in an email that it “has no close relationship” with the governor and that “no special favors have been provided.”
Initially, the Tokyo gubernatorial election looked like it would be a referendum on the LDP, but a strong candidate to challenge Ms. Koike has emerged: Renho Saito, 56, a former leader of Japan's largest opposition party who resigned from her Diet seat to run. But there are so many candidates that it is hindering her campaign.
Ms. Saito is well known in Japan as the first woman to lead the opposition Democratic Party. She has differentiated herself from Ms. Koike by emphasizing the need to raise wages for young workers and curb government spending. But she has also criticized the DPJ over a financial scandal that has little to do with her gubernatorial role.
Kenneth McElwain, a political scientist at the University of Tokyo, says focusing on national parties is an “easy route.” The danger is that it “can be a reason not only not to vote for Koike, but also for which of her 50 or so rivals you vote for.”
Other candidates have also criticised the government. In an NHK election video, Kawai Yusuke appeared as a caricature of the Joker from the Batman series, with unkempt hair, a pale face and red lips, and blasted Prime Minister Kishida Fumio over plans to raise taxes.
“Prime Minister, sell that Rolex you're wearing on your wrist before you raise taxes!” he shrieked, writhing around on his desk laughing maniacally.
Under election rules, anyone can run for governor by paying a deposit of about $19,000 and each candidate is given two six-minute broadcast slots on NHK and the right to display a sign at one of the city's 14,000 official election signs.
Although its purpose is to ensure fairness in political participation, the system has been hijacked by people who want to convey messages that have little to do with politics to large audiences.
During a campaign broadcast by NHK, young entrepreneur Uchino Airi removed her striped button-down shirt to reveal cleavage in a cream-colored tube top. “I'm not just cute,” she said in a honey-voiced voice, urging voters to connect with her on Line, Japan's popular messaging app. “Aren't I sexy?”
Uchino is backed by the rebel group “Party to Protect the People from NHK,” which is backing nearly half of the candidates running in the gubernatorial election and has allowed its candidates and others to display campaign posters featuring pictures of cats and cartoon animals on official campaign signs.
Some candidates have used the airtime to promote popular views, such as opposition to welfare benefits for foreign workers in Japan and transgender rights.
Having too many candidates could drown out serious opposing voices: With a blanket ban on paid advertising, “mainstream candidates can't amplify their message enough to drown out the voices of minor candidates,” said Jeffrey J. Hall, a political science lecturer at Kanda University of International Studies.
The confusion is clear. Opinion polls show Mr Saito vying for second place with Shinji Ishimaru, 41, a former mayor of a city in Hiroshima prefecture who described himself as an “idol” to supporters at a rally last week.
While Ishimaru doesn't have much of a platform, his popularity on TikTok and YouTube has helped him garner support from younger voters.
Koichi Nakano, a political scientist at Sophia University, said these candidates epitomize Japanese populism, and that many “frivolous”
The “candidates” don't expect to win.
“We live in an age where fame is a business,” Nakano says. “If you have fame, in any form, it will increase your business opportunities.”
As someone trying to lead a serious challenge, Saito faces voters driven more by a loss of interest in the current governor than by support for her.
Yumi Matsushita, a university lecturer who attended Saito's rally in Chofu, said she didn't like that Koike “doesn't respect” the voices of other ethnicities and LGBTQ people.
But her real objection to Koike was that a third term would be too long.
As the incumbent, Koike holds a big advantage: no previous governor has ever lost an election. She also benefits from a largely compliant media, which pursued rumors that she lied about her Cairo University degree but did not investigate allegations that she gave preferential treatment to developer Mitsui Fudosan in construction contracts.
One possible reason is that the country's two largest newspapers, Yomiuri Shimbun and Asahi Shimbun, are investing in one of these construction projects.
River Davis and Ueno Hisako contributed reporting from Tokyo.
