As Narendra Modi humbly took oath of office for a third term as India's prime minister on Sunday, the political atmosphere in New Delhi seemed to shift.
After Mr. Modi lost his parliamentary majority in elections that ended last week and has had to turn to a diverse set of coalition partners to stay in power, these other parties now enjoy the prominence and attention that for years was reserved for Mr. Modi alone.
Their leaders have been surrounded by television crews as they present their demands and policy suggestions to Modi, and their opponents have also been given more airtime, with networks broadcasting their press conferences live, something almost unheard of in recent years.
Most of all, the change is in Mr. Modi himself. Gone, at least for now, is the air of a messiah. He is pitching himself as the unassuming administrator voters wanted.
“To run a government you need a majority vote. But to run a country you need consensus,” Modi said in a speech to his coalition colleagues on Friday before being sworn in. “The people want us to do better than we have done so far.”
A visibly emotional Modi took the oath of office on Sunday evening, becoming only the second prime minister in the Indian republic's 70 years to be elected for three consecutive terms. The ceremony, held at the country's presidential palace, was attended by around 8,000 supporters and dignitaries, including leaders of India's neighbouring countries.
For many, Modi's shift in approach can only mean good things for the country's democracy, a move toward moderation in a deeply diverse country that was being molded into a monolith of Hindu-firstism in the image of one man.
The question is whether Modi can truly achieve the role of consensus builder that has eluded him in more than two decades of elected presidency.
A new man, or at least a new attitude
“He's a pragmatic politician and he will moderate a little bit for his own survival and the survival of his party,” said Ashutosh, a New Delhi-based analyst and author of a book on how Indian politics has changed under Modi. “But it's asking too much to assume there will be a qualitative change in his style of governance.”
Modi's leadership in recent years has been characterized by the use of every lever of power, from pushing police cases to the allure of power-sharing and perks, to outmaneuver opponents and entice them to defect to his side. If his party suffers a blow, analysts say these tactics could well be used to win over some lawmakers to his side in a bid to bolster his position at the top.
But a few days before the inauguration, the change in approach was apparent.
As lawmakers from the new coalition gathered in a hall in India's old parliament building on Friday to discuss forming a government, Mr. Modi rose every time a powerful ally sitting next to him rose to speak. When Mr. Modi was presented with a wreath as the coalition's choice for prime minister, he waited until the leaders of the two biggest coalition parties were near him before placing the garland of purple orchids around his neck.
He spoke calmly throughout the hour-long speech, without his usual third-person references, and focused on his government's promises of “good governance” and the “Dream of a Developed India”, acknowledging that things are different from the past decade.
The last time Modi visited Parliament House for a high-profile event, in May last year, to open a new, modern building for parliament, his entrance was likened by some spectators to that of a king, with a mark on his forehead as a sign of piety, a scepter in his hand and shirtless, chanting Hindu priests walking before and after him.
This time, he went straight to a copy of the Constitution declaring India a secular, socialist democracy, bowed to it and held it up to his forehead.
Return to debate and parliamentary procedure
Modi is venturing into uncharted territory for the first time since winning elections in more than two decades. Until now, his Bharatiya Janata Party has held majorities throughout his time in power, whether at the state level as chief minister of Gujarat or at the national level. Analysts say his history of never being in the opposition has shaped his assertive political stance.
He left Gujarat after 13 years with firm power and eliminated any opposition, effectively turning the state into a one-party state. In 2014, his Bharatiya Janata Party won its first national majority, ending decades of coalition government in India, where no party was able to win the 272 seats needed for a majority. He was re-elected with an even larger majority in 2019.
Modi's immense powers have helped him swiftly implement the policies of his right-wing party, which has led for decades, including building a palatial Hindu temple on the site of a long-disputed former mosque and stripping the Muslim-majority region of Kashmir of the special status it has long enjoyed.
A separatist insurgency has long plagued the Himalayan region of Kashmir. On Sunday, as opening ceremonies were getting underway in New Delhi, a bus carrying Hindu pilgrims fell into a ravine in Reasi district after militants opened fire, killing at least eight people, police said.
Mr. Modi's rule has been marked by a disregard for parliamentary procedure and bills. His abrupt demonetization in 2016, which invalidated India's currency in a crackdown on corruption, plunged the country into turmoil and damaged the still-cash-driven economy. Similarly, his rush to pass legislation aimed at reforming agricultural markets sparked a year of protests that choked Delhi and forced Mr. Modi to retreat.
Before the election results, Modi's party projected his coalition would win 400 seats in India's 543-seat parliament. Opposition parties would have a “sideline seat,” Modi said. Government officials have made it clear that Modi will seek to implement the only remaining major item on his party's agenda during his new term: a “uniform civil code” for the diverse country to replace the religion-specific laws that currently govern issues such as marriage and inheritance. Party leaders are positioning Modi not only as leader for the current term, but also for the next elections in 2029, when he turns 78.
“He has tried to transform the country,” Sudesh Varma, a senior BJP leader who has written a book about Modi's rise, said in an interview before the results were announced. “I hope he will be as active as Singapore's Lee Kuan Yew, who was active into his 90s.”
But under a coalition government, Modi's traditional approach will be challenged.
Two of the main coalition parties that helped secure the minimum number of seats needed to form a government are secular, in contrast to Modi's Hindu nationalist ideology.
N. Chandrababu Naidu, whose party has 16 seats, has been a fierce critic of Modi's treatment of Muslim minorities and has openly accused him of using central investigative agencies to target opponents and take “steps to subvert all democratic institutions”.
“Controversial ideological issues such as a Uniform Civil Code may be put on the back burner if allies are not convinced,” said Neerja Choudhury, a Delhi-based political analyst and author of the 2023 book “How a Prime Minister Takes Decisions.”
Modi's popular image rests on two powerful pillars: He is a champion of economic progress with an inspiring history of rising from lowly caste and relative poverty, and he is a lifelong Hindu nationalist who has served for decades as a foot soldier in the drive to transform India's secular, diverse nation into an explicitly Hindu-first country.
At the height of his power, the nationalist side of Hinduism became increasingly dominant, and analysts say the recent voter rebuke could be a happy turning point for the country, allowing Modi to harness his pro-development side and focus on a legacy of economic reforms that can improve the lives of all Indians.
Suhasini Raj Contributed report.